IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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Sdences 

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33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

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microfiches. 


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filmaga. 

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papier  est  ir.  ')rimte  sont  filmAs  en  commenQant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darniire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  second 
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premiAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  darniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
derniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ♦•  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN  ". 

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film^s  A  des  taux  de  rMuction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich«.  il  est  film«  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n^cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


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SPEECH 


•r 


MR.  CHALMERS,  OF  MISSISSIPPI, 


ON   THE   RESOLUTION'S 


GIVING  NOTICE   TO  (JREAT  BRITAIN 


OF   THE  ABROGATION 


OF  THE  CONVENTION  OF  JOINT  OCCUi  ANCY. 


Dbhvered  i\  the  Senate  of  the  United  fe  ates,  Makcu  24,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

rRINTED     BY     JOHW     T.     TOWERS. 
1846. 


I*r,v 


SPEECH 


OP 


MR.    CHALMERS,   OF  MISSISSIPPI 


Mr.  CHALMERS,  being  entitled  to  the  floor,  rose  and  addressed 
the  Senate  as  follows  : 

Mr.  PuKsiuFNT  :  The  question  before  us  for  consideration  is 
viewed  by  Senator^  on  all  sides  as  involvino^  vast  consequences. 
Whatever  we  may  have  ihouj^ht  of  it  when  iis  recommendation  was 
first  announced  in  (he  annual  message  of  the  President,  it  is  now 
manifest  to  yon,  sir,  to  the  Senate,  and  the  country,  that  wide  and 
conflicting  views  are  entertained  here  and  elsewhere  as  to  the  objects 
expected  to  be  attained  by  giving  the  notice  <o  annul  and  abrogate 
the  convention  for  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  Oregon  territory.  For, 
sir,  notwithstanding  all  who  advocate  giving  notice  proclaim  to  the 
world  that  it  is  a  peace  measure,  the  ends  and  objects  expected  and 
desired  to  be  accomplished  are  wholly  incompatible.  The  Senators 
from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Am.kn,)  Indiana,  (Mr.  Hannf.gax,)  and  Illinois, 
(Mr.  Breese,)  tell  us  that  they  are  for  demanding  a  surrender  of 
the  whole  territory  up  to  the  boundary  line  established  with  Russia, 
upon  the  parallel  of  54°  40';  and  that  we  have  only  to  give  the 
notice,  demand  firmly  and  boldly,  and  the  whole  will  be  peaceably 
surrendered.  The  Senator  from  Georgia,  (Mr.  Coluuitt,)  and 
others  who  are  for  giving  the  notice,  tell  us  that  they  vote  for  it  with 
a  view  to  expedite  a  settlement  of  the  question  upon  principles  of 
just  and  hononible  compromise ;  and  that  to  give  the  notice,  and 
demand  a  surrender  of  the  whole  territory,  will  be  tantamount  to  a 
declaration  of  war.  Such  being  the  state  of  the  question,  and  made 
so  by  those  who  advocate  giving  the  notice,  it  is  obviously  one  of 
the  giavest  character;  and  this  contrariety  of  opinion  only  the 
more  deeply  convinces  me  of  the  importance  of  the  issues  involved. 
None  can  be  greater  than  one  which  involves  the  peace  of  two  of  the 
most  powerful  nations  in  the  world.  A  question  so  momentous  de- 
mands of  us  deliberation,  firmness,  circumspection,  and  decisive 
action.  The  country  expects  it  of  us,  and  our  duly  to  ourselves 
and  it,  requires  that  we  should  not  disappoint  that  just  expectation. 

Before  proceeding.  Mr.  President,  to  say  what  I  desire  on  the  im- 
mediate question  before  us,  I  feel  bound  to  notice  a  remark  which 
fell  from  the  Senator  from  Maine,  (Mr.  Evans,)  upon  the  subject 


I 


of  our  negotiation  with  Russia  in  1824,  when  the  boundary  between 
tliai  Government  and  ours  was  fixed. 

The  Senator  referred  to  a  portion  of  the  diplomatic  correspon- 
dence from  which  the  injunction  of  secrecy  has  not,  I  believe,  been 
removed.  I  hope  I  may  have  misunderstood  the  Senator.  If  I 
have  not,  a  remark  of  his  is  calcuhited  to  create  great  misapprehen- 
sion, and  do  infinite  injury  to  our  title  to  any  portion  of  Oregon. 
It  was  this  :  tliai  our  negotiators  in  their  correspondence  asserted 
that  the  northwest  coast  was  open  for  the  occUf>ation  of  all  the 
worUl  to  settle  at  pleasure  ;  and  treated  the  title  which  we  had  de- 
rived from  Spain  by  the  treaty  of  ISIU,  with  entire  disrespect,  and 
as  valueless.  I  have  looked  into  that  correspondence,  and,  although 
I  may  not  state  iiie  grounds  assumed,  I  must  say  that,  to  my  appre- 
hension, they  placed  the  matter  on  totally  dilfcrent  grounds. 

[Mr.  Evans  said,  in  explanation,  that  he  had  not  read  from  the 
correspondence,  but  had  only  used  a  newspaper  paragraph,  in  which 
it  was  stated  that  our  Government,  in  interpreting  die  Nootka sound 
convention,  had  placed  it  on  the  ground  he  had.  stated.] 

I  do  not  say  that  he  quoted  fiom  the  correspondence  improperly. 
What  1  wish  to  sa)',  is,  that  it  was  scarcely  possible  that  our  negoti- 
ators should  have  disregarded  the  Spanish  title,  while  they  were,  at 
the  very  time,  fixing  the  limits  between  Russia  and  our  Government 
at  the  parallel  of  51°  40',  up  to  which  line  our  title  was  derived 
solely  and  entirely  from  Spain. 

Mr.  President,  I  listened  with  great  attention,  and,  I  hope,  profit, 
to  the  argument,  suggestions,  and  illustrations  of  the  Senator  from 
Maine,  (Mr.  Evans;)  and  I  regret — and  I  say  so  in  no  unkind 
spirit  of  complaint — thai  while  suggesting  difiicidties  in  the  way  of 
our  tide,  he  should  have  thought  it  his  duty  to  say  nothing  on  the 
adverse  pretensions  of  Great  Britain.  1  shoidd  have  been  much 
pleased  if  he  had  done  so,  because,  from  what  fell  from  the  Senator, 
it  is  manifest  that  he  is  quite  familiar  with  the  rrinciples  of  ilie  law 
of  nations.  I  should  have  been  glad  to  hear  so  great  a  master  of 
the  principles  of  the  public  law,  as  the  Senator  proved  himself  upon 
the  occasion,  test  the  rights,  claims,  and  pretensions  of  Great  Britain, 
which,  she  contends,  are  "fixed  and  defined,''  "in  the  text  and 
stipulations  of  the  Nootka  Sound  convention,"  by  the  piinciples  of 
the  public  law.  Nay,  further,  I  should  have  been  glad  if  the  Sena- 
tor from  Maine  had  suggested  the  difficulties  that  surround  the  Bri- 
tish Government  in  making  out  her  claims  and  pretensions,  upon 
the  known  and  acknowledged  principles  of  public  law,  to  any  por- 
tion of  the  nordiwest  coast  of  America.  These  pretensions  are 
founded,  not  upon  discovery — for  so  far  sis  that  is  concerned,  the  facts 
are  against  her — but  based  upon  occupation  and  settlement,  which 
can  never  ripen  into  title  or  exclusive  sovereignty  under  the  Nootka 
convention,  which  fixed  and  defined  these  pretensions.  This  con- 
vention she  has  tried  to  inieipolaie  into  die  public  law,  and  arro- 
gantly claims  to  be  the  law  of  nations,  for  the  northwest  coast  of 
America.     This  position  presents  diflicultics  far  more  insurraounta- 


I 


6 


ble  than  any  suggested  by  the  Senator  to  our  title  to  any  portion  of 
the  territory  of  Oregon.  I  do  not  pioposc,  Mr.  President,  to  go  into 
the  question  of  title;  all  iliiii  has  been  said  by  nie  on  ilial  point  has 
been  extracted  by  the  lemnrks  which  fell  from  the  Senator  from 
Maine,  (Mr.  Evans,)  who  omiitod  to  stale  or  notice  the  insuperable 
difficulties  which  (Jreat  Britain  meets  at  every  step  in  showing  her 
title  to  any  portion  of  the  territory,  and  contented  himself  with  sug- 
gesting the  (liflicnllics  in  our  way. 

Before  entering  upon  the  discussion  of  the  qucstifiU  of  notice,  I 
must  be  permitted  to  submit  a  few  remarks  upon  the  courfe  of  the 
President  in  this  whole  mailer.  It  was  said  by  (he  Senator  fronj 
Kentucky,  (Mr.  Chittkndkx,)  and  the  S<uiator  from  Delaware, 
(Mr.  Clayton,)  that  the  President  would  be  held  to  the  strictest 
responsibility  by  them;  that  he  would  "  encounter  a  responsibility 
weighty  enougji  to  sink  a  navy,"  if  war  should  grow  out  of  this 
matter.  Now,  with  all  the  due  submission  to  the  opinions  of  older 
and  ablet  Senators,  I  may  be  permitted  losay,  that  if  war  shall  corr.e, 
the  responsihiliiy  of  it  will  not  and  cannot  rest  upon  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  In  all  that  he  has  said  in  his  message,  in  all  the 
measures  that  he  has  recommended,  he  lias  done  what  his  official 
position  re(|uired  at  his  hands.  Not  only  did  he  do  that  which  was 
right  in  itself,  but  in  doing  it,  he  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  il- 
lustrious predecessors.  The  language  employed  by  him  is  almost 
identical  with  diat  used  ,  'y  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  all  our  Secre- 
taries of  Stale,  (Mr.  Clay.)  In  speaking  both  of  our  own  title  and 
of  the  British  claims,  Mr.  Clay  uses  nearly  the  same  words.  That 
this  may  not  rest  upon  mere  assertion,  I  will  compare  a  few  of  the 
passages  in  the  documents  of  both.  The  President,  in  his  message, 
tells  us  that  this  "  like  all  the  previous  negotiations,  ivas  based 
upon  principles  of  '  compromise  ;' "  that  when  he  came  into 
office,  though  "  entertaining  tke  settled  conviction  that  the  British 
pretensions  of  title  cotdd  not  be  maintained  to  any  portion  of  the 
OrcfTon  territory  upon  any  principle  of  public  law  recognised  by 
nations  ;"  yet,  in  "  dcfervnce  to  what  had  been  done  by  his  prede- 
cessors, a?id  especially  in  consideration  that  propositions  of  compro- 
mise had  heen  thrice  made  by  two  preceding  administrations  to 
adjust  the  t/ucstion  on  thr  parallel  of  49°,''  and  notwithstanding 
"Me  extraordinary  and  wholly  inadmissuble  demands  of  the  British 
government,'^  and  the  rejection  of  the  proposition  made  in  deference 
alone  to  what  had  been  done  by  his  predecessors,  and  "  the  implied 
obligation  which  their  acts  seemed  to  impose,'"  afford  satisfactory 
evidence  "  that  no  compromise  which  the  United  States  ought  to 
accept  can  be  effected.^'  With  this  conviction,  the  pioposition  of 
compromise  which  had  been  made  and  rejected,  was  by  his  "  di- 
rection subsef/uenily  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole  territory 
asserted,  and,  as  is  believed,  maintained  by  irrefragable  fad  and 
arguments.^'' 

Here  we  have  the  declaration  that  the  Piesident  feels  himself 
bound  by  the  acts  of  diose  who  had  gone  before  him,  as  the  acts  of 


his  country,  and  binding  upon  him  ns  its  chief  executive  magislriUe; 
and  in  the  despatch  in  which  is  made  the  oflVr  of  the  4Uth  par-dlel 
na  a  compromise,  the  Secieiary  of  State  s:\ys,  that  ^' the  Preaifient 
does  it  Itcaiusc  he  felt  hiiiisvlj'iinbarrdsscd,  ij  not  committed^  by 
the  acts  uf  his  piedcccs.siirs.''^  As  much  .strnsii  has  been  hiid  on  the 
President's  claiming  the  wliole  territory,  and  as.-^ertinuthat  the  claims 
of  (Jreal  Britain  are  exiraoidinary  and  inadniissilde,  1  will  turn  to  the 
huigtiatre  of  his  predecessors,  and  we  shall  see  whether,  in  the  use 
of  Tliis  language!,  he  has  not  been  following  th»;  cxaniple  of  those 
who  liad  handed  down  to  him  this  (luestion  with  the  landmarks  so 
clearly  defined  that  he  could  neither  mistake,  niisnndeistand  nor 
overleap  lliem. 

Mr.  Clay,  when  Secretary  of  State,  in  lii^  despatch  to  Mr.  Galla- 
tin, dated  JnJie  10,  lS2G,says  : 

"h  is  not  thouglit  necessary  t(i  add  iiincli  to  the  iirgiaiieiif  advanoerl  on 
this  |n)iiit  in  tlic  iiistriictioiis  ^jiven  ti>  .Mr,  Kiisli,  and  tliat  which  was  em. 
|)l(iM'(l  hy  him,  in  tlic  coiirsf  nl'  his  negotiation,  to  sii|i|)ort  our  tide,  as 
derived  from  pi'ior  discovcrv  and  setllcmcnt  at  the  nionili  tifllHi  Coinndtia, 
and  from  the  treaty  with  Spain,  concluded  on  the  'i'M  ol'  Fi'hniai-y,  lHl9. 
That  arginnent  is  Relieved  to  have  conclnsivelv  estalilished  our  title  on 
hoth  grounds.  .Nor  is  it  conceived  tiiat  (iieat  Ihitain  has,  or  can  make 
out,  even  a  colorable  title  to  any  portion  of  flii!  northwest  coast." 

"  By  the  renunciation  and  transfer  continued  in  the  treaty  mth 
Spain  of  lSl9,  ourriirht  extended  to  the  {]0/h  dvti;rce  of  north  lati- 
tude." This  was  Mr.  Clay's  opinion,  oHicially  expressed  as  Secre- 
reiary  of  State,  of  the  validity  of  our  title  to  the  parallel  of  6U°, 
prior  to  the  treaty  with  Russia.  Are  there  any  expressions  in  the 
President's  message  stronger  than  these,  eidier  as  to  the  invalidity 
of  the  title  of  Great  Britain,  or  the  validity  and  strength  of  our  own 
to  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon '{  In  another  despatch  of  Mr. 
Clay,  dated  February  24,  1827,  in  characterizing  the  claims  of 
Great  Britain  to  ilie  territory  of  Oregon,  he  uses  language  almost 
identical  with  that  of  the  President's  message.  He  speaks  of  these 
claims  as  "//ew  and  extraordinary,'"  and  says,  "  that  they  certainly 
have  not  yet  produced  any  conviction  in  the  mind  of  the  President 
of  the  validity  of  the  pretentions  bionghi  forward,  nor  raised  any 
doubts  of  the  strength  and  validity  of  our  own  title."  Mr.  Clay 
further  says,  in  speaking  of  the  offer  of  the  49th  parallel,  that  "  it  is 
conceived  in  a  frenuive  spirit  of  concession  and  conciliation.^^  He 
also  instructs  Mr.  Gallatin  to  say  that  the  49ih  parallel  «'  is  onr  ut- 
tamatutn,  and  you  may  so  announce  it.'^  When  the  proposition 
was  declined,  Mr.  Clay  directs  Mr.  Gallatin  to  declare  "that  the 
American  Government  does  not  hold  itself  bound  hereafter  in  con- 
sequence of  any  proposal  which  it  has  heretofore  made  to  agree  to 
the  line  which  has  been  so  proposed  and  rejected,  but  will  consider 
itself  at  liberty  to  contend  for  the  full  extent  of  our  just  claims;" 
"which  declaration,"  he  says,  "you  must  have  recorded  in  the  protocol 
of  one  of  your  conferences,  and,  to  give  it  more  weight,  have  it 
stated  that  it  has  been  done  by  the  express  direction  of  the 
President." 


i 


m 


When  the  proposition  of  compromise  was  rejected  by  Mr.  Pnken- 
ham,  the  President  (hrected  Mr.  Rachatiaii  to  withdraw  i(,  aiid  as- 
sert our  title  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  territory ;  and  claims  that 
"the  civilized  world  will  see  in  these  proceedings  a  spirit  of  liberal 
concession  on  the  part  of  the  United  Slates  ;"  and  that  "  this  govern- 
ment will  be  relieved  from  all  responsibility  which  may  follow  the 
failure  to  settle  the  controversy."     Is  there  anything,  Mr.  President^ 
in  these  declarations,  or  in  the  claims  on  the  part  of  our  government 
to  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon,  stronger  or  more  extensive  tiian  had 
been  made  by  those  who  preceded  the  I'residcnt  in  the  high  office 
he  now  tills?    And  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  sir,  that  these  claims 
liad  not  only  been  asserted  in  the  despatches  of  our  negotiators,  but 
they  had  lieen  published  to  the  world.     I  ask,  then,  in  justice  to  the 
President,  if  he  could,  consistently  with  the  honor  and  dignity  of 
the  country,  have  claimed  less,  or  gone  finther,  than  he  has  done, 
in  "a  spirit  of  liberal  concession,"  to  settle  this  controversy  ?     What 
parly  in  this  country,  what  Senator  on  this  floor,  what  President 
would  dare  go  further  ?     I'o  liave  done  so  would  have  lowered  ouc 
national  character  before  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  been  an  insult 
to  the  national  pride  of  our  own  people.     When  the  President  of 
the  United  States  was  elevated  to  bis  present  exalted  station,  he 
found  himself  charged  with  the  conduct  of  this  negotiation,  involving 
the  questions  of  peace  and  war,  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  twenty 
millions  of  freemen,  and  the  honor  of  his  country.     The  responsi- 
bility was  fearful ;  and,  in  the  language  of  the  legislature  of  the  State 
which  1  have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent,  "his  efl'orts  to  adjust  the 
controversy  were  marked  by  a  spirit  of  liberal  concession,  firmness, 
patriotism,  and  signal  ability."     In  fact,  sir,  it  was  the  sentiment  of 
the  whole  country,  and  no  message  has  ever  been  promulgated  in 
my  time  which  was  received  with  such  a  universal  shout  oi  appro* 
baiion.     You  remember,  Mr.  President,  our  pleasure  in  listening  to 
the  just  and  patriotic  remarks  of  the  distinguished  Senators  from 
North  Carolina,  (Mr.  Manoum,)  from  Virginia,  (Mr.  Akcheii,)  and 
Delaware,  (Mr.  J.  M.  Clayton,)  in  the  debatij  upon  the  resolutions 
moved  by  the  Senator  from  Michigan,  (Mr.  Cass.)     Why,  sir,  are 
we  divided  now,  when  all  was  harmony  then  ?    In  that  discussioa 
there  was  not  a  dissenting  voice  in  regard  to  the  President's  course 
upon  the  Oregon  question.     A  very  different  opinion  seems  to  have 
grown  up  in  this  discussion  ;  new  readings  have  been  given  to  the 
President's  message ;  and  i  ew  and  very  different  objects  discovered 
in  his  recommendations.     On  one  side,  it  is  made  a  test  of  willingness, 
to  dissever  the  Union  for  a  Senator  to  avow  himself  in  favor  of  compro* 
mise,  and  a  test  of  patriotism  to  go  for  54°  4t/  ;  and  on  the  other  aide 
to  be  for  the  notice  is  to  be  for  war     It  is  from  discussions  such  as 
these  that  our  present  want  of  harmony  proceeds.     If  Spsnalors 
give  to  the  message  a  construction  which  it  does  not  wariaui,  purely 
the  President  is  not  responsible  for  it. 

In  connexion  with  this  part  of  the  subject,  I  will  ask  the  Secictary 
to  read  the  resolutions  of  the  State  of  Mississippi :         ,, 


8 


Kejtolved  by  the  Legislature  of  the  Stale  of  Miaaissijtjn^  That  the  ac 
lion  of  the  President  uf  the  United  States,  in  his  eti'urts  to  adjust  the 
Onsgon  controversy,  is  marked  hya  spirit  of  lil)oral  concoHsion,  firinnesg, 
patriotism,  and  signal  ability,  which  meets  the  hearty  a(i|)robation  of  this 
Legislature. 

Resolved,  That  whilst  this  Legislature  commends  the  exercise  of  the 
same  spirit  in  subsequent  negotiations,  it  is  their  deiilionite  opinion  that 
every  consideration  of  regarel  tor  human  progress,  the  advanr;<>mi;nt  of 
libenil  principles,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  national  honor,  demands 
that  our  rights  to  the  Oregon  territory  should  be  asserted  and  upheld. 

Rt'solred,  That,  in  the  catalogue  of  national  calamities,  war  is  second 
nnly  to  national  <lisgrace ;  that  if  the  one  becomes  necessary  to  avert 
iho  other,  let  it  come;  and  with  the  iuvocation  of  the  Divine  blessing 
u|K)n  a  righteous  cause,  this  F^t  gislalure  pledge^ » he  State  of  Mississippi, 
in  men  and  money,  to  support  thi>  (leneral  (iovei.mient,  in  asserting  and 
defendijig  its  rights  to  the  territory  of  Oregon. 

Tliese  resolutions,  Mr.  President,  were  not  the  resolutions  of  a 
party,  but  of  the  whole  legislative  body,  irrespective  of  party,  and 
were  adopted  with  but  one  disr^enling  voice  in  the  House,  and  unani- 
mously in  the  Senate.  From  these  resolutions — whicli  are,  perhaps, 
ns  ir^ie  and  faithful  expressions  of  the  sentiments  of  the  people  oi 
the  State  as  was  ever  ofiven  by  a  legislative  body,  I  infer  most  clear- 
ly that  they  approve  of  the  "liberal  concession"  which  has  marked 
the  past  course  of  the  President,  in  his  efforts  to  settle  the  Oregon 
controversy,  and  commend  the  exercise  of  the  same  spirit  of  "  libered 
concession"  in  future  nesjoiiations;  and  that  they  look  upon  "war 
as  second  only  to  national  disgrace."  Concurring  entirely  with  the 
legislature  in  these  sentiments,  and  approving  what  the  President 
has  done  and  recommends  in  relation  to  this  matter,  I  shall  consent 
to  nothing  that  will  endanger  the  public  peace,  unless  the  honor  oi 
the  country  demands  it  at  my  hands.  If  it  does,  I  shall  move  for- 
ward fearless  of  consequences,  and  the  people  of  the  Stale  will  be 
ready  to  go  with  me. 

Mr.  President,  I  am  in  favor  of  giving  the  notice,  because  I  be- 
lieve that  the  time  has  come  when  the  Oregon  question  must  be 
brought  to  an  issue  either  of  peace  or  war.  I  deem  the  giving  of 
notice  now  imperiously  detnanded  as  a  means  of  preserving  peace. 
I  am  anxious  that  the  difficulty  should  be  settled,  and  the  speediest 
possible  mode  is  most  acceptable  to  me.  I  deem  it  of  much  impor- 
tance that  the  position  of  the  adimnistration  should  be  sustained  on 
account  of  its  effects  both  at  home  and  abroad.  Our  character  and 
the  spirit  of  our  people  demand  it ;  nnd  a  failure  to  do  so  will  increase 
thedifficulry  and  excuement  in  both  countries.  I  prefer  it  in  its  sim- 
plest form,  as  Ir.ist  embarassing  to  the  adniinistiation ;  but  as  I  deem 
time  of  the  first  importance,  I  shall  support  thatform  which  will  enable 
the  administration  to  give  it  at  the  earliest  day.  And  I  still  indulge 
the  hope,  Mr.  President,  that  it  will  be  given  in  the  same  harmony 
which  marked  the  discussion  and  vote  on  the  resolutions  of  the  Seu:.- 
tor  from  Michigan,  (Mr.  Cass.)  Its  moral  power  and  force  will  bo 
immensely  increased  by  the  proud  spectacle  of  a  unanimous  role 


of  the  American  Senate  in  ita  favor.  I,  sir,  shall  volo  steadily  in 
favor  of  the  notice,  and  if  I  cannot  obtain  it  in  the  form  most  accept- 
able, least  embarrassing,  and  which  will  enable  the  ndminislrulion  to 
use  it  most  speedily,  I  will  vote  for  it  in  any  form  consistent  with  the 
dignity  and  honor  of  the  country,  rather  than  it  should  fail.  For  this 
reaaon  I  regreithe  strong  termsof  denunciation  employed  by  iheScnalor 
from  Connecticut,  (Mr.  Nitrs,)  in  speaking  of  the  amendment  pro- 
posed by  the  Senator  from  Georgia,  (Mr.  Cfti.nui'rT.)  Whatever 
preferecne  I  may  entertain  for  a  more  simple  form,  there  is  nothing 
in  the  amendmetit  to  justify  so  harsh  a  representation  of  its  spirit, 
and  iheexpresi^ion  is  calculated  to  engender  ill  feelings  in  lli'"  cham- 
ber. The  more  bitterly  Senators  may  denounce  those  wbo  favor 
notice  in  a  modified  form,  the  greater  the  obstacles  in  the  .'a/  of  ob- 
taining a  unniunious  vote;  anil  it  may  endanger  its  passage  n  any 
form.  I  persuade  myself  that,  if  there  shall  be  no  indulgence  nf  ;nore 
party  feelih.^  ti  >  denouncing  of  each  others  views,  that  there  will 
be  less  diversity  when  we  come  to  fulfil  action  upon  the  question. 
I  cau  Aiy  with  truth,  sir,  that  I  listened  with  pleasure  to  much  that 
has  fallen  from  our  political  opponents  in  this  debate,  and  feel  as- 
sured, if  a  conllici  shall  grow  out  of  this  controversy,  that  ihey  will 
be  as  ready  to  sustain  the  rights  of  their  country,  and  to  meet  dan- 
gers and  sacrifices  in  her  cause,  as  bravely  and  as  promptly  as  our 
friends  on  this  side  of  the  chamber.  I  regret  to  hear  denunciations 
from  either  side  upon  the  question  of  giving  this  notice.  I  feel 
when  I  approach  any  subject,  connected  as  this  is,  with  the  foreign 
relations  of  the  country,  that  all  party  feeling  should  be  hushed;  that 
I  should  take  olTmy  shoes,  for  the  ground  I  tread  upon  is  holy.  If, 
when  the  resolutions  of  the  Seiic>lorfrom  Michigan,  (Mr.  C.\s.s)  were 
introduced,  we  were  all  so  united  in  sentiment,  may  I  not  still  in- 
dulge (he  hope  that  by  treating  the  question  of  notice  with  moderation 
and  calmness,  there  will  scarce  be  an  objection  to  its  passage. 

But  the  Senators  from  New  Jersey,  (Mr.  Dayton.)  and  Maine, 
(Mr.  Evans,)  said  they  could  see  no  reasons  forgiving  the  notice. 
The  Senator  from  New  Jersey  furnished  one,  and  a  very  cogent  one, 
when  he  moved  some  weeks  since  to  postpone  this  question,  in  order 
to  dispose  of  the  other  important  business  before  the  Senate.  Since 
then  I  am  sure  the  experienced  and  observant  Senator  from  Maine 
must  have  seen  many  and  stiong  reasons  for  disposing  of  this  ques- 
tion, and  giving  the  notice.  It  is  certain  that  we  have  before  us  but 
two  lines  of  policy;  one  is  that  of  quietly  and  peaceably  getting 
possession  of  the  territory  by  the  gradual  course  of  settlement ;  in 
other  words,  by  the  "  masterly  inactivity"  which  was  spread  out  be- 
fore us  the  other  day  in  all  its  grand  and  magnificent  proportions,  by 
tlie  distinguishsd  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  (Mr.  Calhoun,) 
who  is  its  oldest,  most  able,  and  devoted  advocate.  If  that  policy 
could  now  be  pursued,  this  meauuie  of  giving  notice  to  dissolve  the 
convention  for  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  territory  might  be  wrong. 
But  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  (Mr.  Calhoun,)  tells  us  that 
circumstances  which  have  occurred  since  1843,  rendei  that  policy 


10 


dangerous,  if  not  impracticable ;  and  I  say,  sir,  to  use  an  expression  of 
tha»  Senator  in  reference  to  another  matter,  that  lime  is  against  such 
a  policy  now.  Events,  Mr.  President,  are  hurrying  us  forward,  and 
we  must  meet  them  by  prompt  and  decisive  action,  or  the  question 
"will  escape  from  onr  coniiol  ;  and  I  appeal  to  the  able  and  experi- 
enced Senator  from  Maine,  (Mr.  Evans,)  and  to  Senators  on  all 
sides,  if  they  do  not  see  in  everything  around  them,  even  here,  and 
more  than  all  in  what  they  hear  from  day  to  diiy,  the  most  cogent  rea- 
son for  action, and  for  givingthe  notice.  The  legi^^lation  of  the  conn- 
try,  Mr.  President,  sleeps  upon  your  table;  the  land  bills,  the  trea- 
sury, and  the  tariff  bills,  and  all  our  domestic  policy  await  the  issue 
of  this  question,  and  (we  cannot  disguise  it  from  ourselves  if  we 
wished)  are  dependent  for  (heir  passage  somewhat  tipon  giving  the 
notice.  The  business  of  the  county  is  suspended,  and  business 
men  stand  still,  and  will  continue  lodoso,  while  the  country  isfdled 
with  rumors  of  war.  All  is  uncertain,  and  it  produces  anxiety  and 
irritation,  not  only  with  our  own,  but  the  people  of  Great  Britain, 
which  greatly  increases  the  chances  of  a  hostile  collision.  The 
President  of  the  United  States  having  proclaimed  our  rights,  and 
that  the  British  minister  has  rejected  the  offerof  aseitlemeiu  upon  the 
only  line  that  this  country  will  ever  consent  to,  and  recon)meiKled 
giving  the  notice  as  a  means  of  asserting  our  just  rights  to  the  terri- 
tory, the  spirit  of  our  people  demands  that  it  should  at  once  be  given. 
Does  the  experienced  Senatoi  from  Maine  (Mr.  fwAN.s,)  see  no 
reason  for  giving  the  notice  in  the  deep  heavings  of  the  public  luind, 
which  is  never  without  cause,  and  can  never  with  safety  be  disregar- 
ded? The  controversy  about  Oregon  has  already  got  into  the 
hands  of  demagogues  and  party  hacks,  and  been  seized  upon  by 
those  who  would  gladly  use  it  as  a  disturbing  element  in  our  politi- 
cal contests.  Every  mail  that  leaves  the  Capitol  is  loaded  down 
with  matter  calculated  to  infiame  the  public  mind  ;  and  rumors  of 
war,  reach  us  from  every  extremity  of  this  wide  spread  Union.  With 
my  limited  experience  and  narrow  vision,  1  have  seen  much  that 
leads  me  to  entertain  fears  as  to  the  preservation  of  peace  ;  and  I  feel 
assured  that  if  this  controversy  is  not  arrested  soon,  it  will  be  be- 
yond the  power  of  either  government  to  stop  its  course.  The  peo- 
ple of  both  countries  are  proud  and  brave.  Their  governments 
charge  each  other  with  making  demands  that  ate  unjust.  Let  such 
a  question  once  get  among  the  luass  of  the  people  of  both  countries, 
with  their  national  pride  roused  by  the  discussions  between  (hem, 
and  what  power  could  prevent  them  from  rushi-ng  to  arms  ?  This, 
with  me,  is  the  strongest  reason  for  going  for  the  notice.  I  have  felt 
its  weight  unceasingly  since  the  commencement  of  (his  discussion. 
It  was  comparatively  feeble  at  first,  but  deepened  from  that  hour  to 
this,  and  I  now  think  that  speedy  action  is  vitally  important.  If  we 
fail  togive  it,  ihearm  of  the  government  will  be  paralysed  by  ouraction 
here,  and  rendered  less  able  to  effect  an  adjustment  of  the  contro- 
versy peaceably  and  honorably  to  the  country.  And  should  a.  con- 
flict ensue,  our  refusal  to  give  the  notice  will  weaken  our  govern- 


ii 


►ression  of 
uinst  such 
kvnrd,  and 
!  question 
id  experi- 
5rs  on  all 
here,  and 
o;^ent  rea- 
ihe  coun- 
the  trea- 
dle issue 
ves  if  we 
iving  the 
business 
•y  is  filled 
'ciety  and 
it  Hrrlain, 
)n.     Tlie 
»,'hts,  and 
upon  the 
nmeiKJed 
the  terri- 
be  given. 
,)  see  no 
lie  mind, 
disreg'ar- 
into  the 
upon  by 
lur  politi- 
3d  down 
umors  of 
I.     With 
luch  that 
nd  I  feel 
ill  be  be- 
rhe  peo- 
p^rnments 
fiBt  such 
ouniries, 
n  them, 
?    This, 
have  felt 
;cussion. 
.  hour  to 
If  we 
fraction 
!  contro- 
J  a  con- 
govern- 


ment in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  the  l\esident  in  the  confidence 
of  our  people,  at  a  time  when  all  must  look  lo  and  depend  upon  the 
strong  arm  of  th^  executive  department  of  the  government  for  safe- 
ty and  protection.  Surely  every  patriot  would  deplore  such  a  result, 
and  would  leave  nothing  undone  to  prevent  it. 

But,  Mr.  President,  the  Senator  from  Maine,  (JMr.  Evans,)  says 
that  he  cannot  vole  for  giving  notice,  unless  he  receives  a-^urances 
that  the  intentions  of  the  President  are  pacific,  and  our  title  to  the 
territory  to  be  demanded  is  clearly  made  out.     Afier  what  fell  from 
the  Senator  from  North   Carolina,   (Mr.   H.vYWOOii,)  in   his  able 
speech  on  this  (juesiion,  I  had  supposed  that  every  Senator  would 
be  satisfied  that,  pending  negotiations,  it  would  be  improper  to  ex- 
pect or  require  the  President  to  make  any  further  disclosure  of  his 
intentions  than  he  has  made  in  his  message  and  despatches  upon 
the  subject.     To  the  territory  south  of  the  49th  parallel,  the  Sena- 
tor from  Maine  admits  our  title  may  be  clearly  made  out ;  to  that 
extent  our  Govermneni  has  long  since  taken  its  stand,  and  to  that 
extent  the  President  certainly  will  contend  for  it.     Whatever  I  may 
think  of  the  extraordinary  pretensions  of  the  British  Government  to 
title  to  any  portion  of  the  territory,  in  view  of  what  our  Government 
has  done  by  treaty  stipulations,  iimning  through  a  series  of  near  30 
years,  and  in  justice  to  British  subjects  who  have  made  settlements 
in  the  territory  imder  the  piovisions  of  lliose  treaties,  I  would  not 
demand  a  surrender  of  the  whole  territory.     I  lake  it  that  the  true 
dignity  and  honor  of  the  country,  a  just  regard  for  the  opinions  of 
mankind,  and  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world,  demands  that  we 
should  settle  the  controversy  in  a  spirit  of  liberal  concession,  honor- 
able to  both  countries.     I  have  a  confidence  myself,  perhaps,  not  to 
be  expected  from  Senators  oti  the  other  side,  in  the  pacific  intentions 
of  the  President,  and  in  his  anxious  desire  to  avoid  a  hostile  col- 
lision between  the  two  countries.     War,sir,  is  no  game  of  his ;  unlike 
the  kings  of  the  earth,  who  seek  war  to  gratify  their  ambition,  and 
increase  their  own  glory,  amid  the  blood  and  tears  of  their  subjects, 
and  ihesufl'eringsof  the  widow  and  the  orphan,  1..  .  true  glory  is  in 
defending  the  honor  of  his  counrry,  preserving  and  protecting  the 
peace,   prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the  people.     And  we  have  a 
sure  guaranty  in  his  character  and  past  conduct  in  the  negotiation 
that  he  will  not  disappoint  the  destiny  to  which  his  exalted  station 
calls  him.     To  the  President,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  the  Constitution  confides  the  adjustment  of  this  controversy; 
and  on  whatever  line  the  parties  may  settle,  I  expect  to  have  no 
hesitation  in  agreeing,  satisfied  as  I  am  that  he  will  settle  on  none 
that  will  lower  the  stand  his  Government  has  taken. 

The  territorial  enlargement  of  our  beloved  country,  unlike  that  of 
monarchies  or  despotisms,  has  always  been  by  peace.  It  was  by: 
peact.ul  negotiation  that  we  obtained  Louisiana,  Florida,  and  Texas, 
thus  more  than  doubling  the  superficies  of  the  whole  Union.  And 
whatever  line  of  boundary  may  be  now  designated  for  Oregon,  that 
American  statesman  must  be  bhnd  to  the  progress  of  events,  who 


12 


cannot  foisee,  (liat  by  continued  peace  and  prosperity,  our  glorious 
Union  must  jjo  on  extentiing  her  limits,  until,  before  the  close  of  this 
century,  our  boundaries  shall  extend  so  as  lo  include  the  whole  re- 
gion between  the  Arctic  ocean  and  the  isthmus  of  Panama.  War, 
which  has  been  called  the  game  of  kin^s,  may  retard,  while  peace 
will  certainly  accelerate  this  <T|orious  destiny.  Such  a  territory,  unit- 
ed in  soveieion  and  confederate  States,  with  every  variety  in  soil  and 
product,  and  with  perfectly  reciprocal  free  trade  between  all  parts, 
would  present  a  spectacle  at  which  the  rest  of  the  world  would  first 
gaze  in  wonder,  and  then  admire  and  imitate.  The  Slate  which  I 
have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent,  may  now  be  called  the  great 
staple  State  of  the  Union;  for  her  exports  largely  exceed  any  other; 
her  vital  interests  are  inseparably  united  with  free  trade.  She  wants 
the  world  for  a  market..  She  was  looking  to  the  present  as  the  aus- 
picious moment  when  her  long  deferred  hope  would  at  length  be 
gratified,  and  unrestricted  commerce  should  bind  together  the  nations 
of  the  globe.  l?y  a  consentaneous,  but  not.  a  concerted  movement 
upon  both  sides  of  the  water,  her  long  cherished  views  seemed  about 
to  be  consummated,  when  diis  dark  cloud  interposed,  and  threatened 
to  substitute  war,  with  all  its  momentous  consequences,  for  peace, 
and  unrestricted  commerce.  In  the  maintaining  of  a  war  in  defence 
of  our  national  honor,  Mississippi  will  never  hesitate  ;  but  she  will 
never  consent,  disregarding  the  policy  of  every  administration  for 
the  last  thirty  years,  to  rush  madly  into  a  sanguinary  conflict,  reject- 
ing those  honorable  terms  for  adjusting  the  Oregon  f^ntroversy  which 
have  been  oifered  by  the  President  of  her  choice,  >»  ,  Polk,  and  his 
predecessors,  from  the  revolutionary  patriot,  James  Mt*  roe,  down  to 
the  present  period. 

A  strong  effort  has  been  made  in  the  Senate  to  impre. ..  the  coun- 
try with  tlie  belief  that  the  President  was  opposed  to  all  further  ne- 
gotiation, and  would  reject  every  proposition  short  of  the  surrender 
of  the  whole  territory.  I  am  not  authorized  to  present  the  opinions 
of  the  President  any  further  than  they  are  disclosed  in  his  inessage 
and  the  despatches  upon  the  subject ;  but  judging  from  them,  I 
draw  the  conclusion  that  the  views  of  the  President  have  been 
greatly  misconceived  in  regard  to  this  controversy. 

We  have,  first,  the  strong  and  decisive  fact,  that  the  President  did 
offer  the  49ih  parallel,  notwiUistanding  it  had  been  three  times  be- 
fore offered,  and  rejected  by  the  British  Government ;  and  when  it 
was  again  rejected  by  the  British  minister,  when  offered  by  the  Pre- 
sident, in  the  very  despatch  in  reply  to  that  rejection,  the  President 
expressed  his  strong  desire  for  peace,  and  that  the  amicable  relations 
between  the  two  countries  might  be  preserved.  Thus  stood  the 
caie  when  the  President  communicated  his  message  to  Congress ; 
the  offer  of  the  49th  parallel  having  been  rejected,  and  no  proposal 
made  on  tlie  part  of  the  British  Goverementj  but  a  requisition  made 
upon  us  for  a  proposition  more  favorable  to  them,  when  the  Presi- 
dent declared  in  his  message  that  "  no  compromise  which  the  Unit- 
ed States  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected." 


gives 


our  glorious 
close  of  this 
e  whole  re- 
ima.  War, 
while  peace 
ritory,  unit- 
'  in  soil  and 
an  all  parts, 
would  first 
He  which  I 
d  the  ^reat 
1  any  other; 
She  wants 
as  the  aus- 
t  lenf^th  be 
the  nations 
movement 
enied  about 
threatened 
I  for  peace, 
•in  defence 
)iit  she  will 
stration  for 
iict,  reject- 
ersy  which 
Ik,  and  his 
e,  down  to 

the  coun- 
further  ne- 
i  surrender 
16  opinions 
lis  message 
m  them,  I 
have  been 

esident  did 
;  times  he- 
ld when  it 
y  the  Pre- 

President 
le  relations 

stood  the 
Congress ; 
0  proposal 
lion  made 
the  Presi- 

the  Unit- 


tai 

He  does  not  say  that  no  compromise  ought  to  be  made,  but  simply 
announces  his  opmion  upon  the  facts  as  they  then  existed,  that  no 
compromise  would  be  oflered  that  we  ought  to  accept.  It  is  true  the 
President  does  announce  in  his  message  his  opinion  of  the  superior- 
ity of  our  title  to  the  whole  territory,  but  he  had  previously  avowed 
that  opinion,  and  had  distinctly  repeated  it  in  the  very  despatch  of- 
fering the  49ih  parp.ilel  as  a  compromise. 

It  is  also  true  that  the  President  does  declare  in  his  message  that 
he  would  never  consent  to  the  surrender  of  the  free  navigation  of  ihe 
Columbia  river ;  but  he  does  not  also  stale,  in  addition  that  he  would 
Dever  consent  again  to  the  49th  parallel  as  a  compromise,  but  simply 
gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  no  such  compromise  could  be  effected.  I 
have  no  doubt  the  President  will  obiain  for  us  the  whole  territory,  if 
it  is  in  his  power ;  but  if  he  cannot,  and  the  49ih  parallel  should  be 
oflered  to  us  by  the  British  Government,  or  what  is  substantially 
equivalent  to  it,  there  is  nothing  in  the  message  or  the  despatches 
indicating  the  opinion  that  the  President,  who  is  but  a  branch  of  the 
war-making  and  treaty-making  power,  will  riislily  reject  such  a  pro- 
position, which  he  and  three  of  hia  predecessors  have  made — and 
thus  most  certainly  involve  the  country  in  a  war,  which  every  phi- 
lanthropist and  patriot  must  believe  should  only  be  invited  when 
eery  fair  and  honorable  compromise  shall  have  proved  unsuccess- 
ful. Is  the  49ili  parallel  an  honorable  compromise?  The  Presi- 
dent and  three  of  his  predecessors  have  declared  that  it  was;  and  if 
the  British  ministry,  governed  by  wiser  councils,  should  change  their 
opinions,  or  disavow  the  rejection  made  by  their  minister,  Mr.  Paken- 
ham,  who  can  say  that  the  President  should  deprive  the  Senate  of 
its  constitutional  right  as  a  branch  of  the  war-making  and  treaty- 
making  power,  of  advising  upou  such  a  momentous  question,  by  the 
unconditional  rejeclioii  of  such  a  compromise?  Is  the  majority  of 
the  Senate,  or  of  the  House  of  Repiesenlalivps,  prepared  for  a  decla- 
ration of  war  upon  the  rejection  of  such  a  proposition?  Do  they  be- 
lieve it  ought  to  be  rejected?  If  they  do,  why  are  they  not  making 
all  the  preparations  necessary  to  meet  the  momentous  issue  ?  Why 
are  we  not  increasing  our  army  and  navy  ?  repairing  our  <briifications 
and  placing  our  whole  country  in  a  posture  for  defence,  as  well  as 
aggression  ?  Above  all,  why  are  we  not  preparing  the  great  arma- 
ments, naval  and  military,  to  defend  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon, 
which  is  the  very  subject  mater  of  this  controversy?  Why  are  we 
not  preparing  to  collect  a  direct  tax  of  at  least  fifty  millions  per  an- 
num, to  meet  the  great  emergency  ?  I  cannot  withhold  the  expres- 
sion of  my  surprise  and  astonishment  that  all  those  who  believe  that 
we  must  insist,  war  or  no  war,  upon  a  surrender  of  the  whole  terri- 
tory, should  not  be  found  laying  upon  our  tables,  and  urging  from 
day  to  day  the  passage  of  bills  for  a  direct  tax,  and  the  vast  aug- 
mentation of  all  our  naval  and  military  defences  demanded  by  such 
an  occasion. 

Below  the  49ih  parallel,  or  what  is  substantially  equivalent  to  it, 
no  doubt  th(     Resident  never  could  consent  to  go,  be  the  conse- 


M 


quences  what,  they  may.  And  this,  I  believe,  is  almost  the  univer- 
sal sentiment  of  the  country,  and  of  every  Senator  in  ihis  chamber. 
But  thia  is  a  very  different  position  from  that  of  rejecting  all  com- 
promise and  all  negotiation,  and  involving  the  country  in  war  by 
the  mere  act  of  the  President.  I  know  nothing  of  whether  sucfi 
an  offer  will  be  made  or  not ;  but  if  it  should  be,  and  the  President 
should  rashly  reject  it  without  consulting  the  Senate,  he  will,  by  his 
own  mere  act,  involve  the  country  in  war,  or  the  disgrace  attendant 
upon  the  settlement  of  the  question  at  the  parallel  of  49°  after  he 
has  rejected  the  proposition. 

Mr.  President,  do  those  who  demand  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  shall  reject  the  49ih  parallel,  reflect  upon  the  fact,  which 
it  is  believed  no  Senator  will  det>y,  that  a  majority  of  both  branches 
of  Congress  would  agree  to  settle  the  controversy  at  the  49th  paral- 
el.  Must  the  President,  in  open  disregard  of  the  known  will  of 
one  or  both  Houses  of  Congress,  reject  a  proposition  which  one  or  both 
of  them  would  accept  ?  Even  if  the  President,  in  his  own  individual 
judgment,  was  opposed  to  a  seulement  by  the  parallel  of  49°,  yet  he 
could  not  reject  such  a  compromise  in  view  of  the  opposing  opinions 
known  to  be  entertained  by  both  Houses  of  Congress,  whose  hearty 
concurrence^nd  cordial  co-operation  he  must  have,  if  such  a  course 
should  result  in  a  hostile  collision  between  the  two  countries.  It  is 
well  known,  Mr.  President,  that  four-fifths  of  the  Senators  in  this 
body,  among  whom  are  three-fourths  of  the  President's  political 
friends,  however  they  may  vole  on  the  question  of  notice,  are  in  fa- 
vor of  settling  the  question  upon  principles  of  compromise  ;  and  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  upon  a  direct  vole,  but  ten  members 
voted  against  it,  and,  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  expressed  itself 
in  favor  of  further  negotiation.  How,  then,  can  the  President  be 
asked  or  expected,  in  view  of  such  conclusive  circumstances,  to  re- 
ject all  compromise  and  refuse  ail  negotiation?  No,  Mr.  President, 
the  administration  has  planted  itself  upon  that  parallel  as  the  line 
from  which  it  caimot  be  driven  ;  and  if  war  comes  of  it,  in  the  pa- 
triotic language  of  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina,  Let  it  come: 
and  when  a  proud,  arrogant,  and  grasping  enemy  gives  a  blow  at  us, 
there  will  be  found  ready  to  resist  aggression,  one  solid  phalanx  of 
the  whole  American  people. 

By  the  last  steamer  we  received  an  extract  from  the  letter  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel,  when  retiring  from  the  ministry,  in  which  he  assures 
her  majesty  that  lie  will  satisfy  the  King  of  the  French  that  the 
great  military  and  naval  preparations,  which  have  been  making  in 
England  for  some  lime  past,  were  not  intended  for  FVance,  but  grew 
out  of  their  unsettled  relations  with  the  United  States.  This  dis- 
closure, coupled  with  the  despatch  of  our  minister,  Mr.  McLane, 
which  has  been  laid  before  us,  in  my  poor  opinion,  is  an  in  poriant 
fact,  and  calls  strongly  upon  us  to  prepare  for  any  contingency  which 
mayariweout  of  these  unseuled  relations.  But,  Mr.  President,  aa  I 
am  one  of  the  youngest  and  mosi  inexperienced  members  of  ihis  body, 
surrounded  by  so  many  older,  wiser,  and  more  experienced  Senators, 


n^ 


e  univer- 
chamber. 
all  com- 
in  war  by 
iher  such 
President 
ill,  by  his 
nttcndant 
°  after  he 

nt  of  the 
ict,  which 
branches 
i)th  paraU 
n  will  of 
ne  or  both 
ndividual 
)°,yet  he 
f  opinions 
•se  hearty 
I  a  course 
ies.  It  is 
)rs  in  this 

poliiical 
are  in  fa- 

;  and  in 
members 
ised  ilself 
ndent  be 
:es,  to  re- 
^resident, 
i  (he  line 
n  the  pa- 
it  come  ; 
:)W  at  us, 
lalanx  of 

terof  Sir 
e  nssiues 
that  the 
taking  in 
but  grew 
I'his  dis- 
McLane, 
n  portant 
zy  which 
ient,  as  I 
I  lis  body, 
SenatorB, 


I  will  not  venture  to  suggest  what  is  proper  to  be  done ;  I  look  to 
them — the  country  looks  to  them — to  take  the  proper  precautionary 
measures. 

What  I  have  said,  Mr.  President,  has  been  in  the  discharge  of  a 
duty  I  owed  to  myself  and  the  people  of  the  Slate  I  have  the  honor 
in  part  to  represent ;  differing  fiom  a  few  valued  political  friends 
around  me,  1  could  not,  as  I  had  wished  to  do,  give  a  silent  vote. 
Belonging  as  I  do  to  that  political  parly  which  has  ever  adhered  to  a 
strict  construction  of  the  Consiitution  and  free  trade,  no  one  can  de- 
plore a  hostile  collision  more  than  I  would,  and  that  this  period 
which  we  fondly  hoped  was  the  dawn  of  our  deliverance  and  liberty, 
shonld  be  obscured  by  "shadows,  clouds,  and  darkness." 


